Page 248 - Proceedings book
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mqrdúoHd fomd¾;fïka;=j

                       Introduction
                       The study of the relations between the Buddhist sangha and the state in Sri Lanka in

                       precolonial times has to be viewed to a considerable extent as part of the study of the
                       larger problem of religion and political power in ancient South Asia, and perhaps also

                       Southeast Asia. It would be superfluous on my part to emphasize the significance of

                       the pathbreaking and influential contribution made by Professor Tambiah in relation
                       to the second area: but I should say that his work has implications that have to be

                       taken into consideration by any student working on the theme in respect of South Asia.
                       (Tambiah,  1992)  As  we  shall  see,  in  certain  respects,  there  is  a  specificity  in  the

                       development and the nature of religion and political institutions in Sri Lanka, which
                       distinguishes Sri Lanka from other parts of South Asia. Yet, as would be but natural

                       to  expect,  Sri  Lankan  society  shared  certain  fundamental  political  concepts  with

                       society  in  the  neighboring  subcontinent,  and  the  impact  of  influences  from  the
                       neighboring  subcontinent  can  be  traced  in  certain  parallelisms  between  the

                       development  of  institutions  in  Sri  Lanka  and  that  of  certain  parts  of  the  Indian
                       subcontinent. (Tambiah, 1992)



                       The extensive modern literature on the problems  of religion  and political  power in
                       ancient  society  in  the  neighboring  subcontinent  confronts  the  student  with  a

                       confusingly  wide  variety  of  theoretical  interpretations,  some  of  them  so  sharply
                       divergent that they even appear to be diametrically opposed. Let us begin with one

                       relevant  example.  A.M.  Hocart,  the  distinguished  archaeologist  and  anthropologist

                       who worked in Sri Lanka in the early decades of the twentieth century, propounded a
                       novel  theory  of  the  origin  of  the  state.  As  Rodney  Needham  has  pointed  out,  this

                       theory bears comparison with the classical theories of Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau and
                       Hume. (Hocart, 1950) Hocart believed that the origin of the state is traceable to ritual

                       organization.  Ritual  provided  the  elementary  forms  of  organization  in  primitive
                       society. As society became more and more complex, the increasing social functions

                       were  taken  over  by  the  organization  that  had  met  the  needs  of  ritual.  In  doing  so,

                       Hocart theorized, the organization initially associated with ritual underwent a process
                       of elaboration leading to the emergence of what he called the "vast central nervous

                       system"  or  the  state  (Hocart,  1950).  According  to  this  line  of  thinking,  the  ritual
                       organization  and  the  state  organization  remained  undifferentiated  in  premodern

                       society. In fact, Hocart argued that it was impossible to separate the church from the


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